The Notes You Input Into Is Dangerous

• Journal Listing
• Front Psychol
• PMC4524892

Front Psychol. 2015; 6: 1140.

The sounds of condom: stress and danger in music perception

Thomas Schäfer

¹Section of Psychology, Chemnitz University of Engineering, Chemnitz, Deutschland

David Huron

²Cognitive and Systematic Musicology Laboratory, Ohio State Academy, Columbus, OH, USA

Daniel Shanahan

³School of Music, Louisiana State University, Baton Rouge, LA, United states

Peter Sedlmeier

¹Department of Psychology, Chemnitz University of Technology, Chemnitz, Frg

Received 2022 May 31; Accepted 2022 Jul 22.

Abstract

As with any sensory input, music might be expected to incorporate the processing of information about the safety of the surroundings. Little research has been washed on how such processing has evolved and how unlike kinds of sounds may affect the experience of certain environments. In this article, we investigate if music, equally a form of auditory data, can trigger the experience of condom. We hypothesized that (one) there should be an optimal, subjectively preferred degree of data density of musical sounds, at which rubber-related information can exist candy optimally; (ii) whatever deviation from the optimum, that is, both higher and lower levels of data density, should arm-twist experiences of college stress and danger; and (iii) in general, sonic scenarios with music should reduce experiences of stress and danger more than other scenarios. In Experiment 1, the information density of curt music-like rhythmic stimuli was manipulated via their tempo. In an initial session, listeners adapted the tempo of the stimuli to what they deemed an appropriate tempo. In an ensuing session, the same listeners judged their experienced stress and danger in response to the same stimuli, too as stimuli exhibiting tempo variants. Results are consistent with the existence of an optimum data density for a given rhythm; the preferred tempo decreased for increasingly complex rhythms. The hypothesis that any deviation from the optimum would lead to experiences of higher stress and danger was only partly fit by the information. In Experiment 2, listeners should betoken their feel of stress and danger in response to dissimilar sonic scenarios: music, natural sounds, and silence. As expected, the music scenarios were associated with lowest stress and danger whereas both natural sounds and silence resulted in higher stress and danger. Overall, the results largely fit the hypothesis that music seemingly carries safety-related data about the surround.

Keywords: music, safety, stress, information density, audio

Introduction

The master purpose of any sensory system is to provide information about the environs, which is then used to accomplish adaptive behavior. Some forms of data are more important than others. For case, information related to both nutrient and reproduction is essential. Still, probably the about important category of data relates to safety. Vision and hearing are the two sensory channels that are most important to gather condom-related data. Still, in comparison with vision, auditory processing of rubber-related data appears to exist superior because the sense of hearing (1) exhibits a 360° range of detection, (2) is tolerant of obstacle, (three) has a distant effect horizon, (iv) is neuronally processed very quickly, (5) is inextricably linked with attention and emotion, and (6) is agile even while nosotros sleep (see Horowitz, 2012). Surprisingly little enquiry has been done on how the processing of safety-related auditory input has evolved and how different kinds of sounds may touch on the feel of certain environments. Cross and Watson (2006, p. 107) have noted that "the part and effect of sound and the human feel of sound in archeological environments is severely under-researched. Sound is a primary source of information nearly the earth, and the human being feel of sound shapes many of the ways in which we interact with the earth and with each other." Studies have shown that speed, rhythm, pitch, pitch range, and intensity of audio stimuli can carry data regarding danger (e.g., Rosenblum et al., 1993; Bach et al., 2009; Seifritz et al., 2015) or urgency (Edworthy et al., 1991). There should have been a benefit for individuals when they managed to process auditory input and extract the information effectively. Auditory information catches immediate attention, indicates danger, or signals a stable and safe environment (see Huron, 2006). In earliest natural environments, our ancestors must have needed to rely on external stimuli that signaled safety. Periods of safety in unchallenging places were crucial for them to relax, conserve energy, and sleep. If the auditory input over time provides constant or highly similar information near the environs, and then this tin be interpreted as an indication of a stable situation that is gratis from danger and under control. Every bit a result, an private in such situation would feel reduced stress and no anxiety and maintain a positive touch on (run into Chorpita and Barlow, 1998).

Can music—every bit a form of auditory information—trigger the experience of condom? That is, could music be understood as a means to create the illusion of a safe environment where there is no danger, no demand to be agape or warning, and no need to act? Musical sounds are relatively predictable rhythmic patterns that humans might have been produced by their own voice or past simple things such as hollow wood fifty-fifty thousands of years ago (sophisticated instruments came later). Slight variation of these sounds might human action as an auditory source of input to our data processing system, which signals the environment is not changing uncontrollably or unpredictably: The incoming stimuli are variable enough to provide an interesting source of information most the environment, simply they are besides structured and predictable plenty to indicate that everything is under control. Some touches of pre–musical behavior—for case, knocking rhythmically on wood, humming—might have been reinforced at some time in human being evolution past positive affect. Information technology can be hypothesized that even today we prefer music that is in the range described above: non too anticipated, non too variable. Music that is too monotonous or repetitive contains piddling relevant information; information technology hardly rouses our interest and is likely to make us bored. Also circuitous, long–phrased, or unpredictable music does not produce pleasure, either (Berlyne, 1971, 1974; Heyduk, 1975; Kellaris, 1992). Instead, such music increases our arousal and elicits negative impact, because it can be deemed a potential indicator of a dangerous environment (Huron, 2006).

Of course, in creating musical works, a large number of factors are inevitably involved, including social, cultural, political and other aspects. All the same, one might expect that some basic elements of auditory processing when listening to music may originate in perceptions of relative safety or danger (see also Weiss, 1970; Orsini et al., 2002; Herry et al., 2007; Whalen, 2007). If music is indeed at least partly processed as a source of auditory data near the surround we might expect a human relationship betwixt music processing and experiences of safety and stress. Two experiments were designed to investigate this full general conjecture.

In Experiment 1, we created and systematically manipulated rhythmic sound stimuli in order to vary their information density. We predicted that there is an optimum information density, where each individual experiences lowest stress and danger; both higher and lower information density should increment the experience of stress and danger. Specifically, when sound patterns exhibit a very loftier caste of information density (for case, considering of an especially fast event rate) in that location is the danger that a listener may miss certain sounds that are informative pertaining to safety. Accordingly, the listener may experience more than stress and danger. On the other hand, sound patterns that showroom a very low caste of information density (for case, considering they are especially slow) might cause the experience of stress and danger as well because the listener is waiting for input that is non coming (comparable to silence; run into below). Hence, the experience of stress and danger should be lowest when the rhythmic stimuli exhibit information density appropriate for the individuals' level of information processing speed. We dubbed this the information density hypothesis.

In Experiment ii, real music was used and contrasted to other types of auditory input that might have been relevant in prehistoric environments, namely natural sounds and silence. We predicted that situations with music are experienced as less stressful and unsafe than situations with silence or natural sounds. This hypothesis may audio counterintuitive since many would expect that silence was the about reliable indicator of safety. What follows from our in a higher place arguments, however, is that silence should produce an experience of unease because it only does not contain any data at all. It was therefore difficult or impossible for an individual to identify whether a situation was condom or non. We would therefore look that a silent environment is not experienced equally less stressful or dangerous than a state of affairs with a natural acoustic background (i.due east., nature sounds). By dissimilarity, music—representing a relatively predictable blueprint of auditory input—should create the impression that nothing dangerous is going on in the environs.

Experiment 1—The Human relationship Between Information Density of Rhythmic Sound Stimuli and the Feel of Stress and Danger

The purpose of Experiment 1 was to manipulate the information density of simple rhythms unknown to participants and then measure what experiences these rhythms elicit. If our hypothesis is right there should be an optimum level of information density of auditory information with which an individual feels well-nigh safe with—both more circuitous and less complex stimuli should lead to an increase in experienced stress and danger. Information density was to exist manipulated around an optimum bespeak, that is, a caste that a specific listener experiences as advisable. There are many possibilities to manipulate information density but we set up out to create stimuli that are manipulated along only one unmarried dimension, and have listeners identify the optimum betoken along this dimension. For the purposes of this study, nosotros elected to manipulate the tempo. Our conjecture was that in that location is an optimum tempo for whatsoever given music–like stimulus, and that this optimum is related to the experience of highest safe and everyman stress. That is, the optimum tempo will be associated with the least threatening information flux. Specifically, we hypothesized that there is an optimum tempo of played rhythms for each listener, depending on the individual cognitive processing capacity and processing speed, and that the rhythms of optimum tempo are experienced as to the lowest degree stressful and most prophylactic.

Materials and Methods

The experiment consisted of two parts separated past at least one week. In the first part, participants listened to a series of nine rhythms and were asked to modify the tempo to achieve what they thought was a suitable speed. In the 2nd function, participants rated their experienced degree of stress and rubber in response to the rhythms of Function 1—including both manipulated and unmanipulated versions. The first session was approximately xxx min in duration and the second session was approximately 60 min.

Sample

In total, 37 undergraduates completed both parts of the experiment (mean age: M = 22.7 years; SD = four.v; 28 females, 9 males). They all reported unimpaired hearing by a self-rating. The study was performed in accordance with relevant institutional and national guidelines and regulations (Chemnitz University of Technology, 2002; Deutsche Gesellschaft für Psychologie [German language Psychological Order], 2005). Informed consent was obtained from all participants. Anonymity of participants and confidentiality of their data were ensured.

Stimuli and Materials

To minimize the effect of mode and cultural presuppositions, we aimed to create music-like stimuli that were not too similar to or reminiscent of Western music. Appropriately, we made use of a simple Midi musical instrument that employed the percussive patches from the General MIDI bank of sounds (specifically, mid-tom, and loftier-tom sounds). The rhythms were all in five/four meter, which is relatively infrequent in Western music. Two versions were used: 3+two and 2+iii groupings. Metric hierarchies were created for each of these metric types, and rhythms were generated from these hierarchical distributions. To ensure a wide range of rhythms, the onset densities varied from every bit few as two onsets per measure out to as many as 20 onsets per measure. Using data-theoretic measures, it is possible to characterize the information density (complexity) of each rhythm in $.25 (see beneath).

Although all of the rhythms were constructed in 5/four meter, the shell subdivisions were based on statistics gathered for Western rhythms. We used the metric hierarchy for a sample of Western music in 4/iv meter. Specifically, this distribution was assembled from a set of 45 common American songs and 164 traditional High german folk songs (Schaffrath, 1995), all in iv/four meter. The distribution represents the typical hierarchy where beats ane and iii are nigh important, followed by beats four and 2. An coordinating hierarchy is evident at the sub-trounce level. Accordingly, we generated our rhythms using these aforementioned distributions—modified to a 2+3 or 3+ii bureaucracy. In 4/4 meter, the first beat is the strongest ("S") and the third crush second strongest ("s"); the 2nd trounce is weakest ("due west") and the quaternary beat is considered a pickup or anacrusis ("a") to the ensuing downbeat. In creating the metric hierarchies for the five/four meter we retained the analogous functions. For example, the 3+2/4 meter would exhibit an S–w–due west–s–a blueprint, whereas the ii+iii/iv meter would exhibit an S–westward–s–west–a pattern. Using the novel metric templates, a large number of rhythms were generated using a random procedure based on the uncomplicated zeroth-society probabilities. Because beginning- and higher society probabilities play no role in the generation of these rhythms, many of these rhythms are apt to be regarded as quite complex. Autonomously from the zeroth-order distribution of events inside a metric hierarchy, rhythms unremarkably showroom pregnant outset-order constraints. For example, in 4/4 meter, an onset congruent with beat out 2 significantly raises the probability of an ensuing onset congruent with beat out 3. Moreover, if an outcome were to occur on beat 2, without an ensuing event on beat iii, the effect would be a marked syncopation (meet Huron, 2006, Chapter 10). Accordingly, we might brand utilize of the first-order probabilities as a convenient way of measuring the information density of the ensuing rhythms.

We sought to create some variance in the information density of the rhythms. The information density of each resulting rhythm was characterized using the Shannon–Weaver equation (Shannon and Weaver, 1963). From a random sample of x,000 generated rhythms, the rhythms were categorized into three conceptual categories (corresponding to uncomplicated, moderate, and complex rhythms): high (> 10 bits), medium (five–10 bits), and low (< 5 bits) information density. For the purposes of the experiment, an equivalent number of rhythms were selected from these 3 categories. Rhythmic stimuli were generated uniquely for each participant. That is, to maximize data independence, no rhythm was used for more than than one participant. 9 stimuli were generated for each participant, 3 each in the loftier, medium, and depression information density categories. As a result, there were a total of 333 rhythmic stimuli, all of which were generated using MaxMSP.

In generating our stimuli, several questions arose, including what the duration of the stimuli and the corporeality (if any) of internal repetition (such every bit repeated measures) should be. Repetition is known to increment a participant'south preference for stimuli. This miracle is variously known as the mere exposure consequence (Zajonc, 1968), processing fluency (Bornstein, 1989), or the prediction effect (Huron, 2006). To minimize the outcome of repetition, our stimuli were generated without repetition. 1 arroyo to minimizing repetition is to employ short stimuli, such as a single bar of 5/4. Such stimuli would exist roughly 2–three southward in length. It is plausible, however, that our participants would be unable to form robust impressions of such short stimuli. Consequently, we aimed for stimuli in the range of 30 southward in elapsing. For rhythms in 5/4 meter, at a moderate tempo, this amounts to some 12 measures. Once again, to minimize the effect of repetition on liking, we chose to avoid repeated rhythms within the 30-due south stimulus duration. That is, rather than generate a single five/iv bar and repeating this rhythm, each bar independent a unique rhythmic pattern. To facilitate perception of the meter, we mapped downbeats (first trounce in the measure out) to a high pitch on the Midi instrument and other beats to a lower pitch.

We expected the perception and optimum processing of rhythmic stimuli to depend on the listener's cerebral processing capacity and speed. Therefore, we asked participants to consummate a 3-back test (a version of the n-back test; e.yard., Gevins and Cutillo, 1993) to measure cognitive processing chapters and the Trail-Making Test (meet Giovagnoli, 1996) to measure processing speed. For the 3-back test, the relative number of correct answers were measured. For the Trail-Making Test, the speed was measured.

Process

Session i

Afterward providing informed consent, participants were seated in forepart of a computer screen in a silent and darkened lab room. All instructions were given on the screen. Participants wore headphones and were asked to imagine they were sitting at a campfire somewhere in the savanna, and listen to different rhythms. They could shut their optics if they wanted to. In the offset session, participants heard the individual rhythmic stimuli and used a method–of–adjustment procedure to tune an optimum tempo. Participants received the following instructions:

In this experiment, you'll exist presented with a sequence of 9 rhythms that will audio rather unfamiliar to you lot every bit they are equanimous in 5/4 meter. They are based on rhythms that are still common in some regions in Africa. So just imagine you are sitting at a campfire in the savanna, listening to these rhythms. You can close your eyes if you like. Each rhythm will echo continuously. Y'all can get-go or cease the sound past clicking on the START or End buttons. Yous can adjust the speed or tempo of the rhythm past adjusting this slider. For each rhythm, we want you to adjust the slider and then that the tempo or speed is the near advisable for the given rhythm. Once you lot take selected what y'all remember is an appropriate tempo for that rhythm, click on the NEXT button to accept you lot to the next rhythm. Take your time in doing this job: endeavour out several dissimilar speeds before you lot make up one's mind which is the best for the given rhythm. Recall that there are ix rhythms in full. The counter will tell you how many rhythms you have left in order to complete the experiment.

In addition, participants were asked to complete the n–back test and the Trail–Making Test.

Session 2

Prior to the second session, the experimenters generated a series of derivative stimuli for each participant. By manner of illustration, suppose that for a given rhythm, a participant selected a certain tempo. From this, iv other stimuli were derived, 1 xv% slower, a second xv% faster, a 3rd 30% slower, and a 4th 30% faster. Even slower and even faster stimuli were judged unreasonable past the experimenters. Since each participant had been presented with 9 dissimilar rhythms in Session ane, this procedure resulted in 45 rhythmic stimuli for each participant in Session 2.

In the second session, we presented the 45 different rhythms in randomized gild and asked the participants to charge per unit their feel of stress and danger. Subsequently providing informed consent they were seated in front of a calculator screen in a silent and darkened laboratory room. All instructions were given on the screen. Once again, participants wore headphones and were asked to imagine that they were sitting at a bivouac somewhere in the savanna while listening to unlike rhythms. They could close their eyes if they wanted to. Their task was to imagine the scenario as realistically equally possible and to evaluate how much stress and danger they would experience in that scenario while listening to each rhythm, using ten-point scales ranging from 1 (no stress at all or safety), to 10 (high stress or danger). Participants received the post-obit instructions:

In this experiment yous'll hear a sequence of 45 rhythms. They are based on rhythms that are still mutual in some regions in Africa. So only imagine you are sitting at a campfire in the savanna, listening to these rhythms. You can close your eyes if yous like. For each rhythm nosotros want you to place how stressed and how safe you would feel in such a situation. Only after listening, try to judge how much you had the experience that you are in a safe situation and that everything is under control and how much stress you felt. Y'all tin can replay the rhythms by pressing the REPLAY push. The counter will tell yous how many rhythms y'all have left in order to complete the experiment.

Results and Discussion

The preferred tempi—measured in beats per infinitesimal (bpm)—for the nine rhythms presented in Session one were M = 160.8 bpm (SD = 50.5) for the unproblematic, Chiliad = 126.0 bpm (SD = 31.8) for the moderate, and G = 113.half dozen bpm (SD = 27.2) for the complex rhythms. These differences are significant, F(2,66) = 24.6; p < 0.001, η² = 0.43. Every bit the standard deviations show, there was also considerable variation between participants. Participants' cerebral processing chapters (Thou = 47.5%; SD = fifteen.1) and speed (Yard = 28.nine due south; SD = 25.four) as well exhibited big variation. To examination our hypothesis that there is an optimum tempo of played rhythms for each listener, depending on the individual's cognitive processing chapters and speed, nosotros ran a simultaneous regression analysis predicting participants' mean optimum tempo (averaged across the 9 rhythms) past their scores in cerebral processing chapters and speed. Neither cognitive processing chapters (β = 0.05; p = 0.fourscore) nor cognitive processing speed (β = –0.09; p = 0.59) had an influence on the optimal tempo, F(2,34) = 0.21 (p = 0.81; R ² = 0.01). Thus, every bit expected, the optimum tempo increased equally a office of the rhythms' manipulated data density, but, contrary to our expectations, the optimum tempo did non depend on the listeners' cognitive processing capacity and speed.

In order to test our main prediction (i.e., that the rhythms of optimum tempo are experienced as to the lowest degree stressful and least dangerous) we ran a dissimilarity analysis. Contrast analysis enables ane to exam a specific hypothesis straight and is thus more powerful than an analysis of variance (see Rosenthal et al., 2000). According to our hypothesis, we assigned the following contrast weights to the 5 conditions: preferred tempo minus 30%: iv, preferred tempo minus fifteen%: –ane, preferred tempo: –six, preferred tempo plus 15%: –1, and preferred tempo plus 30%: 4. This 5-shaped contrast (4, –i, –6, –one, iv) represents the idea of a linear relationship to both sides of an optimum: the more than the manipulated tempo deviates from the preferred tempo in either direction the more stress and danger is experienced.

The mean stress and danger ratings for the v weather are shown in Figure ​ 1. For both the stress and the danger ratings, the results are not completely congruent with our predictions. The rhythm variants that were manipulated to have a faster tempo were judged as more than stressful and more dangerous that the rhythms with the preferred tempo. The faster the rhythms, the more stressful and unsafe the state of affairs is experienced. The rhythmic variants that were manipulated to have a slower tempo were not judged equally more stressful and unsafe, however. Instead, they were judged as eliciting the aforementioned levels of stress and danger every bit the rhythms with the preferred tempo did. Remarkably, though, the stress and danger ratings did not decrease for the slower rhythms every bit one might expect if complexity and experiences of stress or danger, respectively, were simply in a linear human relationship. Contrast analyses revealed a significant fit of the information with the V-shaped contrast, both for the stress ratings (t = 5.38; p < 0.001; d = 0.xc) and for the danger ratings (t = 3.04; p = 0.004; d = 0.51). Thus, the results are statistically compatible with the assumption that rhythms that are played slower or faster than the subjectively preferred tempo crusade college levels of experienced stress and danger; but the descriptive statistics evidence that this only holds for faster tempi while slower tempi led to experiences that are comparable to those in the preferred tempo condition.

Means (and 95% confidence intervals) of stress and danger ratings for the five tempo conditions (simple, moderate, and circuitous rhythms are averaged).

Experiment 2—Experienced Stress and Danger in Situations With Silence, Natural Sounds, and Music

The results of Experiment 1 show that music-like stimuli that vary in their tempo elicit dissimilar degrees of experienced stress and danger. Although the data practice not perfectly fit our hypotheses they indicate that music-like stimuli may carry data relevant to the processing of environmental safety. If this theorize is true and the cognitive processing of music is biologically related to the processing of condom-relevant auditory data, we should be able to find some repercussions of this relationship when comparing real music to other acoustic scenarios. There are two biologically highly relevant scenarios that should be contrasted to music: natural sounds and silence. The study pursued a very simple idea: We had participants sit down in front of a computer screen, imagine that they were sitting at a campfire in the savanna, and listen to 4 dissimilar sound scenarios (silence, natural sounds, acoustic instrumental music, and a cappella music). After listening, they were asked to evaluate how stressful and dangerous they had experienced each scenario to be.

Materials and Methods

In the second experiment, 52 undergraduates participated voluntarily (mean historic period: Thousand = 23.1 years; SD = 4.7; 39 females, thirteen males). They all reported unimpaired hearing by self-study. The study was performed in accordance with relevant institutional and national guidelines and regulations (Chemnitz Academy of Technology, 2002; Deutsche Gesellschaft für Psychologie [German Psychological Order], 2005). Informed consent was obtained from all participants. Anonymity of participants and confidentiality of their data were ensured.

After providing informed consent participants were seated in front end of a computer screen in a silent and darkened lab room. All instructions were given on the screen. We asked participants to put on headphones, imagine they were sitting at a campfire somewhere in the African savanna, and listen to iv different audio-visual scenarios. They could shut their eyes if they wanted to. Their task was to imagine the scenarios as realistically as possible and to evaluate how much stress and danger they would feel in each, using 10-point scales ranging from i (no stress at all or safety), to ten (high stress or danger).

In the silence condition, participants heard a very low intensity white noise. Quiet dissonance was employed because true silence rarely occurs in natural acoustic environments. In the savanna status, participants heard natural savanna sounds from a live recording, consisting of distant animal sounds such every bit the chirping of crickets. Further, there were two music conditions. Although nosotros had no specific hypothesis nearly how audio-visual instrumental music (i.e., just music without vocals) and a cappella music (vocals only) would differ, we incorporated these ii conditions because chances are that in our prehistoric past, before music instruments were invented, music was only sung (see Kanazawa and Perina, 2012). In the instrumental music condition, participants listened to Burn (acoustic instrumental version in Bb minor) by Ellie Goulding; in the vocals just music condition, they listened to All of me (voice-just version) past John Legend. Notation that we selected these rather tedious and calm versions every bit musical pieces because nosotros sought to clarify if music has the potential to reduce the level of the listeners' arousal below the level that is present in even silent scenarios. (At that place was no demand to testify that arousal can be elevated to a very high caste by very fast, circuitous, or disliked music because (1) this has already been shown many times before and (two) this did not pertain to the present inquiry question.) All 4 audio scenarios were edited to 1 min in duration. Participants heard all four scenarios, presented in random order.

Results and Word

Figure ​ 2 shows the hateful stress and danger ratings beyond the four sound scenarios. Table ​ one reports the statistics for all the mean differences. As posited, the two music scenarios elicited less stress and danger than the silence and savanna scenarios, the latter two non exhibiting a significant difference. Thus, compared to when they experienced silent and natural audio scenarios, when participants imagined existence in a scenario with music they experienced much less stress and danger. The two music conditions differed significantly, with the instrumental music status eliciting the lowest stress and danger ratings.

Means (and 95% confidence intervals) of stress and danger ratings for the iv audio scenarios.

Table 1

Bonferroni-corrected p -values and event sizes for the differences of stress and danger ratings between the four sound scenarios.

	Savanna		Music only		Vocals only
	p	d	p	d	p	d
Stress
Silence	> 0.999	0.x	< 0.001	0.84	0.004	0.50
Savanna			< 0.001	0.94	0.009	0.47
Music only					< 0.001	–0.62
Danger
Silence	0.998	0.19	< 0.001	1.33	< 0.001	0.82
Savanna			< 0.001	one.34	< 0.001	0.75
Music merely					< 0.001	–0.81

When people are asked to imagine a naturalistic state of affairs in which they are sitting at a campfire in the savanna, relying on auditory information about the safe of the environment—what kind of auditory background would make them experience the most safe and relaxed? In the present written report, nosotros used dull and calm music to analyze if that kind of music tin can reduce the listeners' arousal level even beneath that induced by a silent scenario. Data showed that this is the case: Music was the least stressful and dangerous audio-visual background, whereas silent scenarios and scenarios with natural sounds elicited stronger experiences of stress and danger. This is remarkable every bit it shows that silence is not a background sufficient for demonstrating a safe environment where at that place is no danger, no need to fear annihilation, no need to act. Instead, people announced to use music as an auditory source of information about the environment. Music might exist processed cognitively and evaluated regarding its features—such equally its tempo, which we manipulated in the first experiment—to gather information virtually what is going on "out in that location."

The results of Experiment 2 fit the data density hypothesis, which holds that music could provide an acoustic pattern that creates the "illusion" of a safe environs. Music is not only a constant sine tone or an capricious noise but always changes a fleck over time, occasionally violating expectations and introducing new elements. These alterations make music a reasonable source of information near the environment on a larger time scale (i.east., beyond a few seconds). On the other hand, music is highly predictable and repetitive. It signals that nothing happens that completely breaks the flux of auditory input.

A more than unexpected observation was that the scenario with instrumental music was evaluated as less stressful and unsafe than the scenario with a cappella music. We did not take specific predictions for any deviation between the ii types of music a priori just we tin discuss potential mail hoc explanations. At least, it is our subjective opinion that the instrumental music was slightly more predictable than the a cappella music. According to the data density hypothesis, higher predictability would equal stronger feelings of rubber and relaxation.

Full general Discussion

Tens of thousands of years ago, our ancestors did not have comfortable houses where they could lock up, go to sleep, and experience safety. They had to be alert and on their baby-sit confronting wild animals or human enemies. Yet, beingness alert and ready to fight or flee all the time is too consumptive of energy and resources. The human body needs time to balance and digest. Especially at night, our ancestors must have relied primarily on their sense of hearing to monitor the environment for possible danger or threats. How that occurred precisely and how humans in general make use of the acoustic data from their environment to evaluate bodily danger or safe is a highly interesting though severely under-researched topic (Cantankerous and Watson, 2006).

In this article, we take attempted to take a beginning and tentative footstep to address this very basic question. We grounded our research on a tentative hypothesis on how music or music-like sound could influence the homo processing of acoustic information pertaining to rubber. The results from the two experiments show that (1) there is undoubtedly a human relationship between the processing of music and the feel of safety and danger but that (ii) our information density hypothesis is not well fitted by the data. According to this hypothesis, safety of an surround would be signaled by auditory input that is neither as well scarce nor as well complex. Input that is too scarce could exist silence or very repetitive and monotonous sounds. Silence represents the absence of auditory input and thus the absence of data nigh what is going on in the environment. Note that the absence of auditory information could also signal impaired hearing, which would accept been the worst state of affairs for an private in a prehistoric natural environment. Very repetitive and monotonous sounds also behave lilliputian relevant information. Rushing of the current of air or water is more comparable to white dissonance or pink noise; chirping of crickets is very repetitive and monotonous. These sounds would not practice much to make an private feel condom because input with likewise little newness and change is uninformative input. At the contrary end of the continuum there is auditory input that is too complex. Very fast changing or chaotic sounds might overstrain man cognitive processing capacity and speed, resulting in a failure to adequately procedure the information that might be covered in the auditory signal. As a consequence, in that location might be potential information relevant to the individual's safety that is overlooked in the information flux, resulting in the experience of stress and danger. Therefore, silence or very repetitive and monotonous auditory input besides as very circuitous auditory input might be expected to evoke feelings of stress or danger. Simply input that is, on the 1 hand, not too repetitive and monotonous and, on the other hand, not besides circuitous or cluttered tin be expected to signal a stable and safe environment. Such input is a relevant source of data—because it contains changes and alterations—but is also a point for a relatively safe environment—considering it is highly predictable. Both weather—not too scarce, non as well complex—are fulfilled by music.

Since our hypothesis was not well fitted by the data it is worthwhile considering culling explanations. We would like to hash out four potential alternatives. (ane) Music is known to comport a large influence on the level of physiological arousal, which apparently depends on the energy level of the music'south concrete constitution (for an overview, see Huron, 2006). Tempo is the most important physical parameter influencing the listener's arousal level. Since states of anger, stress, threat, or danger are associated with high levels of arousal, music that leads arousal back to a lower level could, equally a issue, be associated with the experience of college safety. Based on that argument, we would expect our data in Experiment 1 to follow a linear contrast: the faster the tempo the more stress and danger is experienced. Given the design shown in Figure ​ one, still, this prediction is just as good or as bad, respectively, as the prediction of a V-shaped human relationship. Moreover, regarding Experiment ii, the arousal association idea would predict that the lower the arousal induced through listening to music, the lower the level of experienced stress or danger should be, and, straightforwardly, this level could be lower than the level of arousal caused by natural sound scenarios because these can be associated with bodily danger. However, it is not plausible from this hypothesis to suggest that arousal gets lower than when confronted with silence. When taking but the acoustic aqueduct of sensory information processing into business relationship, in a natural environment, silence should be associated with the lowest level of physiological arousal. That is, based on this idea, we could expect music to reduce arousal to the same level as would be associated with silence but not further. The data, however, evidence that arousal decreased further in the music scenarios. Information technology should be promising for farther studies to additionally measure participants' physiological arousal in different acoustic scenarios. (two) Music is also known to bear a big influence on moods and emotions (see Hunter and Schellenberg, 2010). Parts of our results can be interpreted as furnishings mediated by mood or emotion. Music can induce moods and emotions through its arousal potential (see in a higher place) and valence. In Experiment 1, higher levels of arousal may have intensified potential unpleasant moods/emotions, which, in turn, may have resulted in higher levels of experiences of stress and danger. However, post-obit this statement, lower levels of arousal should take weakened potential unpleasant moods/emotions, which was not the case. Moreover, it is quite unlikely that the very simple and artificial MIDI rhythms actually induced whatever specific moods or emotions in our participants. By contrast, in Experiment 2, it is quite probable that the music induced pleasant moods or emotions that may have masked the unpleasant experiences of stress and danger. (3) Music could provide a perceptual analogy with threatening sounds such every bit approaching footsteps. Specifically, the perception of rapid footsteps could signal aggressive predators or hostile conspecifics approaching rapidly with ambiguous intentions ¹ . Equally a outcome, slow music could signal that no such threat is to be feared. This thought would besides result in a linear contrast and is thus also not well fitted by the information. Data from Experiment 2 do non support the thought of perceptual analogy, either. We would look that the level of experienced stress or danger could go as low as in silent or natural sound scenarios, namely, when the musical sound does not mirror whatsoever kind of threatening event. We would non wait, yet, music scenarios to elicit levels of experienced stress or danger below those resulting from a silent scenario. (four) If an private is in danger or is monitoring for danger, he or she is less probable to be making music. Thus, engagement in making music suggests that no danger is nowadays ¹ . Equally a outcome, if a listener hears someone else making music, that listener can assume that the music maker feels condom enough to devote attention to music making and non to a unsafe situation or to scanning the environment for dangers. Based on this thought, regarding Experiment 1, no specific differences betwixt the five tempo conditions would exist expected. However, the idea would be congruent with the data from Experiment ii because it would predict that music scenarios are experienced equally less stressful and unsafe than silent or natural sound scenarios. Natural sounds could mask potentially safe-relevant acoustic information. Silence, too, is not necessarily indicative of a safety environment since approaching danger can be very tranquillity. Hearing somebody making music would bespeak that this person is not in danger and non monitoring for danger, which tin can also exist recognized with eyes closed, for instance.

The data from Experiment 1 prove a large variation in preferred tempi. We had expected that cognitive information-processing capacity and speed would explain this variance, but this was not the case. It therefore remains an open question what causes different listeners to feel comfy with unlike listening tempi. Music education variables might play a part, as might other personality characteristics that were not recorded in the present written report.

We consider our studies a cautious first footstep that certainly has its limitations. Beginning, it is of course difficult to induce the experience of beingness in a naturalistic real-world situation when really being in a lab, let solitary our intention to induce the experience of stress and danger by the scenarios used. Still, data show that the manipulations in both experiments indeed led to variance in the experience of stress and danger. Notably, that variance does non seem to be simply a result of demand characteristics: We asked the majority of participants after Experiment i if they had recognized that they had only listened to tempo variants of the same rhythms, which they all denied. The rhythms were simply also unfamiliar to them. Second, the effectiveness of the procedure we used depends on how well participants are able to produce mental imagery. It is known that there are individual differences in mental imagery ability (e.g., Marks, 1973; Kosslyn et al., 1984) and, more specifically, in how mental imagery evokes emotions (Holmes and Mathews, 2005, 2010). These differences should be addressed in follow-upward studies and analyzed in relation to the stress and danger ratings. In addition, hereafter studies on experiences of stress and danger may employ designs without mental imagery. Having participants complete a stressful and/or dangerous task or calculator game would induce stress and danger more than naturalistically; and experimentally manipulated groundwork music could be investigated regarding its potential to mask or benumb nascent feelings of stress and danger. A tertiary limitation is the uneven gender distribution in both experiments, which but mirrors the gender distribution of the local university's psychology students. We have not reported split analyses, even so, because there were too few female participants, which would accept resulted in low statistical ability. Despite these potential limitations, we believe that our data tin can help shed a little more light on the potential office of musical sounds in the processing of prophylactic-relevant data in prehistoric environments.

Conflict of Interest Statement

The authors declare that the enquiry was conducted in the absenteeism of any commercial or financial relationships that could exist construed as a potential conflict of involvement.

Footnotes

^aneWe give thanks a reviewer of an early on version of our manuscript for directing us to this potential alternative explanation.

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Source: https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC4524892/

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